Proj 410 Case Study 1 Liberty


PROJ410 – Case Study 2

Company Background:

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Business processes to outsource

ABC Maretin! Services is t"inin! o% %ocussin! on t"eir core *usiness and outsource t"eir ot"er non&core *usinesses) 6or t"is( it 'ent t"rou!" t"e due di$i!ence o% cate!oriin! t"e core and non&core %unctions'it"in t"e com#any) Core %unctions t"at 'ere identi%ied are7


Sa$es and Maretin!

-n%ormation /ec"no$o!y

6inance and accounts

Business Strate!y

uman Resources

Procurement and Purc"asin!

ead O%%ice o#erations 8on&Core %unctions t"at 'ere identi%ied *y t"e mana!ement are7

Following his other well-received works on Thomas Jefferson, Francis D. Cogliano’s latest contribution, Emperor of Liberty, makes a strong addition to the literature on one of America’s most thought-provoking figures. Focusing on Jefferson’s foreign policy, Cogliano’s study is the first to look at this topic since Robert W. Tucker and David C. Hendrickson’s 1990 Empire of Liberty. But, as is indicated by the title twist, Cogliano’s work takes a different stance from Tucker and Hendrickson’s.1 Whereas Empire of Liberty examined Jefferson during his presidency, Emperor of Liberty takes a longer view. Cogliano investigates the chronological evolution of Jefferson’s statecraft—defined as “the use of the power of the state to achieve its ends” (6)—from his time as governor of Virginia (June 1, 1779–June 3, 1781) through his second term as president of the United States (March 4, 1805–March 4, 1809). But Emperor of Liberty is not comprehensive. It is not meant to be. Cogliano offers an “episodic” (7) analysis of Jefferson’s foreign policy, examining through a series of case studies how he sought “to realize his vision of a republican empire” (6). This episodic layout is to the book’s benefit. It enables Cogliano to show how Jefferson learned from experience.

More importantly, though, Cogliano’s case studies allow him to interrogate the main historiographical dichotomy associated with analyses of twentieth-century American foreign policy: “idealists and realists” (7). Taking a different view, Cogliano confronts Jefferson’s idealist and realist proponents, arguing that “the realist/idealist dichotomy isn’t all that helpful” (9). Instead, Cogliano argues, “although Jefferson was guided by a clear ideological vision for the American republic, he was pragmatic about the means he employed to protect the republic and advance its strategic interests” (10). In other words, Jefferson was an idealist and a realist, a rare blend of both, and emphasized one approach or the other at varying stages of his political career. [End Page 693]

Cogliano articulates this argument in seven well-written and deeply researched chapters. His main sources are, of course, Jefferson’s writings, but he also employs the writings of James Madison, George Mason, and George Washington, among others. Cogliano does not rely solely on published versions, though, examining a rich blend of published and unpublished materials. His understanding of and engagement with relevant Jeffersonian literature is just as impressive. There are regular references to other historians’ views throughout.

With a strong source foundation, then, Cogliano’s narrative gathers momentum in the book’s early stages. In the opening three chapters, he covers what could be described as testing periods in Jefferson’s long political career: his tenure as governor of Virginia amid British invasion; his unsuccessful diplomatic endeavors to launch a military campaign against the Barbary States of North Africa—Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, and Tunis—to free twenty-two captured Americans; the Nootka Sound Crisis; his estrangement from Alexander Hamilton; and, amid debates over U.S. participation in the French Revolution, his bombastic confrontations with Citizen Genet. In the latter half of Emperor of Liberty, Cogliano’s argument for Jefferson’s balanced realist/idealist diplomacy resonates throughout his coverage of the Jay Treaty, Citizen Adet, and the X Y Z Affair; the Tripolitan War (1801–5); the Louisiana Purchase; and the Embargo Act of 1807.

Cogliano’s Jefferson is a man who gained invaluable experience during the various crises he endured. As governor, Jefferson’s executive power was constrained by a Virginia constitution that stipulated he could only act with the explicit support of an eight-man Council of State. Without its support, Jefferson’s options were limited. He could not call out the militia. He could not make official appointments. He could not grant pardons. Power in revolutionary Virginia was “decentralized,” Cogliano writes, making it difficult for Jefferson to react effectively “when the state was beset by repeated British invasions in 1780 and 1781” (15). Instead...

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